PLANNING PROPERTY TAX
REFORM:
THE VOICE IS THE VOICE OF
REFORM
BUT THE HANDS ARE THE HANDS
OF EVIL DECREES
In 1998 a public debate took place in Israel
on the issue of state property tax reform.
The property tax is one of the oldest and most anachronistic taxes in
Israel, dating back to the days of Ottoman rule. The need for reform of this tax has been clear for years, but the
government continues to evade its responsibility to implement real reform.
Review
The property tax in its present form is levied in accordance with the
Property Tax and Compensation Fund Law passed in 1961. This tax was first imposed on a wide variety
of properties, including residential homes, office buildings, urban and
agricultural land, equipment, “business stock,” and vehicles. In April 1981, however, the property tax on
most of these items was abolished, because of the difficulty in collecting it
and the burden it imposed on Israelis.
Today it is only levied on vacant land.
Also, land defined as agricultural or utilized for agricultural business
is exempt from the tax.
Officially, the tax is calculated according
to the land’s value, but in practice it is the tax collector’s evaluation which
is used. The property tax rate is 2.5
percent annually, while contractors and land dealers holding property defined
as “business stock” pay only 1.2 percent.
Property tax is unique among Israeli taxes in that some of its revenues
are deposited into a government fund to compensate war and drought
damages. The following table presents
the total property tax revenue in recent years, from which 25 percent was
deducted for the state compensation fund.
In addition, the table shows payments made from the compensation fund to
cover drought and war damages. At the
end of 1997 the compensation fund had a positive balance of $116 million.1
Table
1
Property Tax Collection and
Payments
From the Compensation Fund,
1994-1997
|
Year |
Property tax
collected ($
millions) |
Drought
compensation ($
millions) |
Total
compensation ($ millions) |
Compensation as percentage of property tax revenues |
|
1994 |
288 |
2 |
17 |
5.9% |
|
1995 |
326 |
3 |
17 |
5.2% |
|
1996 |
326 |
2 |
69 |
21.2% |
|
1997 |
330 |
8 |
24 |
7.3% |
|
Total |
1,270 |
15 |
127 |
10.0% |
Source: Internal report of the Central Bureau of Statistics and the Income Tax Authority for the years 1994-1997.
Property tax is not the only tax levied on various
forms of real property in Israel. In
addition to the annual tax on vacant land, the central government also imposes
a tax on the value of real estate at the time of purchase, as well as a
property betterment tax levied on the real gain between the time of purchase
and the time of sale. In addition to
these two additional central government property taxes, local authorities
impose their own tax on property (arnona), which is an annual municipal
tax on apartments and business assets, calculated according to property size
and location. Local authorities also
levy a property betterment tax on land.2 In addition to these multiple taxes on real estate, an annual
property tax is imposed on vehicles in the form of an annual vehicle
registration fee.
The following diagram displays all of these
multiple taxes on real property. In
1997 the government collected approximately $3.65 billion in gross receipts
from all kinds of property taxes combined.
This sum represented about 3.7 percent of GDP and 9.1 percent of all
taxes. This essay refers only to the
central government’s imposition of “property tax” as defined in the 1961 law
previously cited, which is a source of great economic distortion and hardship
to the Israeli people.
As clearly demonstrated in Policy
Studies No. 34, published in May 1998,3 property
tax in its present form is an unjust and discriminatory tax. It encourages economic distortions and is
administered in a manner harmful to Israeli citizens. It creates distortions because it is levied on a very narrow
population base. The tax is
discriminatory and violates the principle of equality. The tax’s high rates reduce the disposable
income of Israeli citizens and bear no relation to the individual’s ability to
pay. In its present form the tax is not
directed at any particular economic activity and causes countless disputes
between the tax authorities and the taxpayer.
Furthermore, the tax increases building costs, driving up the prices of
already expensive housing. It distorts
the allocation of land and limits the
availability of land for construction.
And if that is not enough, the tax falls disproportionately on low income families.
An analysis of the situation suggests that
the collection of property tax has become an end in itself for the tax
authorities, whose own justifications for the tax in its present form are
erroneous. Property tax does not
provide an incentive for building, it is not a tax on the rich, and there is no
relation between property tax rates and income. Furthermore, property taxes are not a significant source of
revenue for the state. Half of property
tax revenues are collected at the expense of other taxes, and property tax
actually decreases state revenues from the leasing of land. Even without these offsets, central
government revenues from property tax constitute less than 1 percent of total
tax revenues and only 0.4 percent of the GDP.
In order to conduct an independent inquiry
into problems related to property tax, Deputy Finance Minister David Magen
appointed a public commission in May 1996 under the auspices of Dr. Yoram Gabbay, the previous state budget
director. The commission was
established following the publication of a State Comptroller Report listing the
tax’s shortcomings, and in light of the numerous amendments made to the
property tax regulations over the years.
In April 1997, the commission recommended cancellation of the tax. In order to make up for lost revenue, the
commission recommended levying a general sales tax on the public at a rate of
2.5 percent of all real estate value.4 The commission’s report stated the following:
Many serious defects exist in the Property Tax Law
with regard to the tax base, tax rates, and manner of implementation. The extent of these defects is such that the
commission recommends against making do with minor adjustments to the law and
recommends a comprehensive reform in which property tax in its present form
will be replaced by a one-time property tax to be levied on the sale of land.5
For the first time, a public commission, independent
of the tax authorities, confirmed what thousands of Israeli landowners have been claiming: There is no room for property tax in Israel and it should be
abolished rather than amended. The
commission’s recommendation for a new tax, however, is unwarranted. There are enough taxes on real estate in
Israel, and according to the estimates of the Ministry of Housing and
Construction, published in May 1998, the newly-recommended tax will create
economic hardship for 100,000 young couples.6
Update for 1998
Lots of Newspaper Headlines, Few Results
In 1998 a consensus formed in
the Knesset for comprehensive reform of the property tax, in order to relieve
the burden on private Israeli landowners.
No less than four private bills have passed preliminary readings since
the publication of the Gabbay Commission recommendations. Knesset Member Avraham Poraz (Shinui)
submitted a bill, which passed its preliminary reading in May 1997, to exempt
from the tax land that cannot be used for construction.7 Today between 80-90 percent of the land
which is assessed property tax is unavailable for construction, mainly because
of various zoning restrictions. If this
bill becomes law, the exemption of these lands from the tax will constitute a
significant reform.
In February 1998, the Knesset passed three
bills in their first readings (most bills must pass the Knesset in three formal
readings and, sometimes, a pre-reading):
Knesset Member Meir Sheetrit’s (Likud) bill would also exempt land
unavailable for construction, and in addition would equalize the tax rate on
“business stock” and other land;8 another bill which was approved
was sponsored by Knesset Member Avraham Hirshson (Likud), David Magen (Likud),
and Ofir Pines-Paz (Labor). The bill
adopts the Gabbay Commission recommendation to cancel the property tax and
replace it with a sales tax; the third bill would also adopt the Gabbay
Commission recommendations and was sponsored by 17 Knesset members from most of
the parties represented in the Knesset, including the Arab parties, Labor,
Likud, Communists, National Religious Party, Meretz, and Israel B’Aliya.9
In response to the possibility that the
property tax may be canceled by the
Knesset, Finance Minister Ya’acov Neeman announced in March 1988 that
“the Ministry of Finance will draw up a plan for implementing property tax
reform within two weeks.” In light of
this promise, the chairman of the Knesset Finance Committee, Knesset Member
Avraham Ravitz, decided to delay the bill calling for the cancellation of the tax, stating: “If the Ministry of Finance does not present its recommendations
for changing the tax by the end of the present session, the committee will vote
on the relevant bills.”11
Israeli legislative procedure requires that
bills be debated in a Knesset committee.
A committee chairman can thus delay a bill by not listing it for a
vote. Similarly, bills that have passed
preliminary hearings still have a long procedural way to go: Finance Committee discussions, a first
reading and vote, an additional discussion by the Finance Committee, and second
and third readings and votes. Only
after successfully completing the entire procedure does a bill become law.
The Four Wonders of Economic Policy in Israel
1. Promising reform or a vote
means: Everything can be changed but in
the meantime I’ve achieved a time-out and a newspaper headline. Not too bad, wouldn’t you say?
In March 1998, the Finance Committee was
scheduled to discuss property tax alternatives. But instead of discussing the reform which should have been
presented at that time by the Ministry of Finance, Income Tax Commissioner
Doron Levy discussed several possible directions for dealing with the issue of
property tax. No economic analysis of
the various alternatives was presented, nor was there any discussion of the
feasibility of their implementation.
Furthermore, most of the proposals were based on small adjustments to
the tax, which would be compensated by increasing other real estate taxes; so
that real reform was not included among the possible alternatives. During the discussion it became clear that
the Ministry of Finance had not yet
decided whether to institute a reform or how to implement such a
reform. The discussion was therefore
theoretical and noncommittal. In
violation of his promise, the committee chairman did not put the bill to a
vote. A classic case of Israeli “Israbluff”: the minister of finance promises to put
together a reform within two weeks, following which a discussion takes place in
the Knesset, where the finance minister’s reform is not presented. During this discussion it is agreed that the
ministry will plan a reform, following which another discussion will take
place. Meanwhile thousands of Israelis
suffer at the hands of the tax authorities.
2. Two weeks equals three
months.
Only three months later, in June 1998, did
the Finance Ministry present a tax reform proposal to a meeting of the Finance
Committee. It would be more correct to
call it a Peter Pan reform, since no official working paper was presented to
the Knesset members. The committee
chairman requested that the ministry present a detailed document concerning the
proposed reform. The minister promised
this would be done within “three weeks.” Once again the committee chairman
decided not to put the alternate bills to a vote.
3. “Three weeks” equals the
five months that have now passed and there is still no reform of property tax.
The fact that the Ministry of Finance’s
proposal was formulated by the Income Tax Authority, which collects the tax,
explains why the tax has not been canceled.
The tax collectors are not about to cancel a tax which would reduce the
Authority’s influence.
On the assumption that the reform is one day
carried out in accordance with the principles put by the minister of finance
before the Finance Committee, it will contain four main points: First is a reduction in the tax rate on land
which is not “business stock,” from 2.5 percent to 1.2 percent. As a result, the rate will be identical for
both construction contractors and land dealers, as well as private landowners.
Second, is an increase in the minimum amount
of land liable for taxation and some partial exemptions from property tax. Under the present law, if the amount of tax
owed by an individual in 1999 is less than $72, he is exempt from payment. Under the ministry’s proposal, the amount of
the exemption would be raised to $116.
If an individual owes between $116 and $347, he would be exempt from
paying one half of the amount of the tax.
The Ministry of Finance has not revealed how many landowners will be
eligible for this discount so that it is difficult to say whether this is a
real benefit or just a gimmick.
The third point deals with the possibility of
deferring the payment of tax until the sale of the land. An individual would be eligible for a
deferral of tax payment until the sale of his land if the total value of his (or his family’s) holdings of real
estate do not exceed $120,500. The
deferment would be granted provided that his annual property tax exceeds 10
percent of his income. Tax deferment
would apply to 90 percent of the tax payment.
It should be noted that this is not an exemption from property tax but
merely a deferment of payment, which is increased by changes in the consumer
price index and related interest costs.
Unfortunately, any improvements stemming from
the three above-mentioned points of the proposed reform, are wiped out by the
fourth point: a levying of additional
taxes! At present, landowners who
acquired land between the years 1948-1960 pay an annual property betterment tax
rate of between 12 percent and 24 percent of the real profit on their
land. According to the Finance
Ministry’s proposal this rate would go up by 6 percent a year until it reaches
50 percent. Even this, however, is not
enough to satiate the ministry, which also proposes raising the purchase tax on
homes for owners of more than one home.
The ministry again failed to present an economic analysis of its
proposal. It would clearly result in
fewer people investing in second homes for purposes of renting them out on the
free rental market. Real estate experts
claim that under present conditions, people are no longer purchasing homes for
investment purposes.12 What
will happen when the free rental market is reduced in size?
The government is not satisfied with
collecting 42 percent of GDP in taxes.
When it decides to reduce the burden of the property tax, it immediately
raises other taxes. It is simply
libelous to use the term “tax reform” to refer to these proposals.
4. Tax reform means increasing
the tax burden.
In general we expect tax reforms to ease the
tax burden. The Ministry of Finance’s
proposals would in fact achieve the exact opposite. First of all, much of the planned reform is based on reducing the
property tax rate for private landowners.
But as already shown in Policy Studies No. 34,
the property tax paid is offset by the loss of future property betterment tax
payments. The more a landowner pays in
property tax now, the less he will pay in property enhancement tax later. Thus reductions in property tax payments now
will increase future property enhancement tax payments. What does this achieve? As the Ministry of Finance is demanding that
Israeli citizens pay more taxes today in order to fund the reduction, and more
taxes to fund the deferment of property tax payments, Israelis will in the
present pay more taxes. In the future
Israelis will pay the new tax and landowners will pay the property tax which
was deferred. Ultimately Israelis will
pay higher betterment taxes, too. The
result is an increase in Israel’s tax burden.
What Should Be Done?
1. Cancellation of state
property tax.
State property tax should be canceled and
collections halted. The bureaucracy for
property tax collection should be abolished once the issue of past debts and
other transition arrangements have been dealt with.
2. Cancellation of free state
insurance for drought damage.
Payments for drought damage from the
Compensation Fund should cease.
Compensation for drought damage is distributed to farmers free of charge
and constitutes a non-budget subsidy.
Drought damage compensation results in economic waste and inefficient
allocation of the factors of production.
Farmers can insure themselves against drought through regular commercial
insurance as is the practice abroad.
3. Transfer of the Compensation
Fund to the state budget.
The state budget is meant to fully disclose
government revenues and expenditures, both expected and unexpected. Compensation paid from the Compensation Fund
is direct government aid that does not appear in the state budget. Furthermore the sum accumulated in the
Compensation Fund is relatively small and could not compensate for damages in
the case of an all-out war. Similarly,
the Ministry of Finance’s proposal to reduce property tax without finding
alternative funding for war damage compensation constitutes neglect of a most
sensitive issue.
Contrary to the claim that canceling the
property tax will reduce state revenues by $300 million, in practice the
tax-offset reduces the amount collected by half. In other words the actual revenues from property tax are only
$150 million. In addition, the
cancellation of property tax will save the cost of the collection bureaucracy,
reduce legal expenses resulting from the endless legal disputes over property
tax, increase state revenues from the leasing of land by the Israel Lands
Authority, and increase state revenues from property tax due to an increased
number of real-estate transactions. And
since property tax increases housing prices, its cancellation would allow
government subsidization of housing to be ended without any harm to Israeli
home buyers.
Grade
Following the recommendations of the Gabbay Commission in May 1997, the
Ministry of Finance could have formulated a property tax reform which would
have already gone into effect in 1998.
However, the ministry chose not to act, thus prolonging the suffering of
private landowners.
Moreover, in 1998 the Ministry of Finance
continued to evade implementation of real property tax reform and, despite
repeated promises, still has not produced an official document which presents
its position. The minister of finance
has decided that any property tax reform will involve the increase of other
taxes. The minister has ignored the
opportunity to bring about renewed growth and enhance the freedom of Israeli
citizens by reducing the tax burden.
Furthermore, the proposed reform will actually increase the tax burden. Even though the property tax should clearly
be canceled, the Ministry of Finance has so far failed to cancel it and in fact
has no intention of canceling it. The
chairman of the Knesset Finance Committee is also delaying the passage of bills
that would initiate property tax reform and is thus one of the major obstacles
to achieving a real tax reform. The
performance of the Ministry of Finance and the government on the issue of
property tax reform together with the performance of the chairman of the
Knesset Finance Committee earn a grade of Unsatisfactory.
Ehud Menirav is an IASPS Koret Fellow at the
Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies in Jerusalem and
Washington, D.C. He is the author of
IASPS Policy
Studies No. 34, "Israel's Property Tax and Compensation Fund"
Notes
1. According to data from the
Central Bureau of Statistics, the balance at the end of 1997 stood at
approximately NIS 587 million. This
amount was translated into dollars according to the exchange rate at the end of
December 1997CNIS 3.5360 ‘ US$1.
2. The property betterment tax
is collected by local authorities on increases in land values, at a rate of 50
percent, which result from the approval of municipal building plans. For example, tax is collected on the
increase in value of agricultural land following the granting of building
permits.
3. Ehud Menirav, “Property Tax
and the Compensation Fund in Israel,” Policy Studies No. 34
(Jerusalem: Institute for Advanced
Strategic and Political Studies, May 1998).
4. The committee’s report was
published in the Israel Tax Quarterly 25, no. 99 (Jerusalem: The Jerusalem Tax Museum, May, 1998). [Hebrew]
5. The Ministry of Finance, The
Public Committee for Investigating the Property Tax Law, “Summary,” April,
1997, p. 1.
6. Yediot Aharonot, May
20, 1998.
7. Proposed Property Tax and
Compensation Fund Bill (amendment: exemption for land that is not available for
construction), 1996. Bill no. p/641.
8. Proposed Property Tax and
Compensation Fund Bill (amendment: exemption for land that is not available for
construction and equalization with commercial land) 1996. Bill no. p/835.
9. Proposed Sales Tax Bill
1997. Bill no. p/1808.
10. Yediot Aharonot,
March 11, 1998.
11. Ibid.
12. Yediot Aharonot, July 19, 1998.